Dr. Farah Dagogo was a candidate for governor of Rivers State and a former member of the House of Representatives. In addition, he served in the state House of Assembly. The ardent supporter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) discusses the party’s crisis and governance in Rivers State in a chat with reporters. A few excerpts
Your Party, the PDP, is on the precipice, with crises one after the other. Do you think there will be a way back for the PDP, especially now that Nigerians are yearning for a viable opposition ahead 2027?
Indeed. Nigerians have high expectations for the PDP. Unfortunately, internal strife has prevented my party from living up to that promise. To the detriment of the party and, more generally, a greater number of Nigerians who view it as a genuine alternative, these so-called crises are egotistically fabricated by a select few in order to support their excessive ambition.
I’ve said it and I’ll say it again. Before the 2015 elections, the PDP got into this problem, and some people pressured then-President Goodluck Jonathan to strategically push out then-Rivers State Governor Chibuike Amaechi and render him useless in the party.
Amaechi and other governors were compelled by such regrettable move to leave the PDP and support the opposition APC at the time. In exchange, what did PDP receive? Because Amaechi defected to the APC, we were able to keep or retake Rivers State from the APC. We prevailed in that struggle in Rivers State, but we lost the most crucial one—the presidency.
It is reasonable to conclude that we gave up the Rivers State election in order to win the presidency. Amaechi and other governors, including other powerful party members, would not have defected from the PDP to the APC if self-serving interests had been abandoned at that time and Jonathan and Amaechi’s disagreements had been resolved.
Amaechi was not running for any elective office at the time. He had just finished his second term. In contrast, President Jonathan was vying for a second term. It wouldn’t have been this way if only the circumstances surrounding Jonathan had permitted him to make amends with Amaechi.
However, the self-centered actions of a single person who ruined Rivers State’s zoning laws backfired, costing us the war and the Federal elections. That was all. It is now necessary to completely restructure the party’s current leadership structure. I agree that things are bleak right now, but it’s never too late to make the correct decisions.
The body language of your party’s Presidential Candidate in the 2023 elections, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, suggests that he might likely contest for the 2027 elections. You were in the forefront of those who supported him then, especially from the Niger Delta and your state, Rivers. Will you still support him in the next election cycle?
Considering what the people of Nigeria are going through, discussing the 2027 elections would be extremely inappropriate. Nigerians are going through some of the most difficult and trying times in their lives. It aligns with my principle to assist the Turakin Adamawa.
An notion stays that way when I believe in it. My persistence should not come as a surprise to anyone since it is based on conviction, which is the foundation of my support for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. I am with you if I am with you, and those who know me well recognize that. I stand by my decision without hesitation. We shall discuss it closer to 2027. But now, we are all making it through this inexplicable adversity.
You have a significant stake in Rivers State politics. Although you were arrested, detained, and later cleared by the court, you even tried to run for governor. What do you think of the state’s political ills? In light of the political squabbles and distractions, do you think Governor Siminalayi Fubara has performed admirably?
Yes, I was one of the people excluded from the race and kept from running for office in order to make room for Siminalayi Fubara to become governor. Now, all of those things are behind us. The state’s interest or yours is the most crucial question at this point. Because of your own interests, would you let the state prosper or would you set it on fire?
As I have stated previously, all parties involved in conflict should refrain from using violence and focus their efforts on the growth and prosperity of our beloved state in order to create a safe and favorable environment. If our goal is to improve the lot of the average citizen, then we must eradicate the toxicity that permeates the entire state. After all, would investors be willing to enter the market and make investments in such a hostile environment?
Yes, you are in the opposition, PDP, but you are targeting Nigerians. What would you advise the ruling APC, led by President Bola Tinubu, to do to lessen the suffering of the populace?
We are all affected; just as you are paying high prices for things, so are we as politicians. Whether you are in office or not, you must look out for your supporters and followers. President Tinubu is our current president, and to his credit, he has acknowledged at various fora that there is severe hardship in the nation. This issue is not about belonging to an opposition party or anything else.
Therefore, his government’s actions toward it hold the key to a solution. To lessen this suffering, a comprehensive examination of his policies—including financial and economic ones—is required. It’s a tale of suffering, North, West, East, and South. Nigerians shouldn’t have to endure this extraordinary adversity if the people are the true focus of government.
As a member of the 9th National Assembly, you sponsored several bills and motions, can you tell us the ones you were most passionate about and regrets, if any, as it relates to the ones that didn’t get Presidential Assent?
I had in-depth discussions and a strong covenant with the individuals I plan to represent while I was running for that job. The majority of it focused on making sure that, should I be chosen to serve as their representative, my main goal will be to pursue policies that would address and accommodate both their most pressing needs and desires as well as those of the entire nation.
For example, the purpose of the bill for the Federal Medical Centre, Bonny, was to provide for and address the health needs of the local population due to the steady increase in the number of people living there and in Rivers State as a whole, which is caused by the ongoing oil exploration activities on Bonny Island, which have resulted in a sharp rise in the population, particularly with the ongoing construction and expansion of the various NLNG trains.
The inability of the limited medical facilities in Bonny to manage severe medical conditions or emergencies made that bill essential.
In that sense, the availability of a good Health Care Facility, is not only critical at that point, and ought to be a matter of grave concerns to the government as the Federal Medical Centre will also serve as a means by the Federal Government to give back to the people considering what they (FG) are getting from NLNG.
Also, I was also able to propose and push for the pioneer STEAM Polytechnic education that would equip our students with competencies that will enable them to overcome personal challenges, pursue careers in technical fields such as software engineering or artificial intelligence, find creative solutions to difficult problems, and understand how the world works. Mind you, STEAM is an educational acronym for Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, Mathematics.
I took my time to explain all those to you so you will understand the concept, peculiarities of the locations and what they are lacking.
Of course, I was disappointed that after being passed into law by both Chambers of the National Assembly, it didn’t get the expected Presidential Assent before the expiration of the last administration. However, that idea is still alive and kicking as my successor in the House of Representatives is actively following it up.
I also championed the Youth Entrepreneurship Development Trust Fund bill. That proposed law was intended to stem the tide of unemployment and become a financial succour to the upcoming younger generations by setting aside a five percent capital estimate proposal from the Federation Account for the youths fund.
There were also bills that would have made it mandatory for multinational companies operating in the country to appoint Nigerians as their Chief Executive Officers (CEO). The bills are “Multinational Companies Appointment of Chief Executives (Regulatory) Bill” and “Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development Act (Amendment) Bill”.
There was also a Bill on National Polytechnic Commission sponsored by me and an amendment to the Constitution seeking for payment of the 13% derivation directly to the Host Communities. There are several of such bills that I was able to pursue, of course, with the support of my constituents and colleagues then. I wouldn’t say I have regrets but more of disappointment because if those bills had succeeded, the benefits to the people would have been enormous. However, those ideas are there in the open and would not die.
On the 13% derivation fund, you have been vocal about it and a bill to that effect was presented by you. What happened to that bill?
That bill was not targeted at any individual. Rather, it was a call for probity and accountability. The 13% was a constitutional provision and how the funds were meant to be executed were explicitly spelt out.
But, there were anomalies in its execution by past and current governors of the Niger Delta. They all erred in that regard. And as I have frequently said, it is a very sad commentary as it relates to the oil producing communities of the Niger Delta. The fund was constitutionally set aside to assist oil-producing communities to tackle infrastructural decay and degradation, with emphasis on the oil producing communities.
What it means basically is that in sharing the federation account revenue, 13 per cent should be set aside to assist the development of these oil-producing communities. More than two decades down the line, what is there to show for the humongous monies that have come in?
The governors, past and present, view it as free money. Between year 2000 and date, trillions from the 13% derivation principle have been shared to the Niger Delta governors, on behalf of the oil producing communities. Yet, the deplorable living conditions of the people from these oil-producing communities have remained nauseating and deplorable with the people battling and still reeking with the worst and highest form of poverty.
To your other question, you see, the National Assembly is a microcosm of Nigeria. Virtually everyone and all tribes are fully represented. It also comes with its politics. Because the majority will always have their way, there is a need for lobbying and horse trading. These are all the beauty, fun and hallmarks of parliamentary engagements. That bill came up during the heated agitation of PIB.
So, there was the need to thread with caution and that was because of the full awareness that some sections of Nigerians already believed that they have given the Niger Delta a whole lot and that mindset was fully displayed in the manner important sections of the PIB were voted out.
The drive behind the 13% was novel but the problems lie in its implementation by the governors. So, with that in mind, I was circumspect enough not to allow any window or openings to call for the repeal of the 13% derivation with the bandied notion that the then PIB would cater for it. It was very dicey.
Let me take you back to one of your motions on Constituency Delineation by INEC, what was the politics behind it?
There is no ambiguity to it whatsoever. It is straightforward. It is more of a wake-up call to INEC on its neglected responsibility. The Rivers State House of Assembly is short-changed in its membership as it stands now and INEC knows this. Degema Constituency for example, should have two constituencies in the State Assembly if things are done according to law.
Because, according to the law, the Rivers State House of Assembly is entitled to 39 members and not the 32 presently constituted. The law is clear on that and the electoral body vested with that power knows that. That motion was just a call to action. lt does not require the Electoral body to seek any amendments to the Constitution.
Section 91 of the Constitution explains how a state is qualified for state constituencies and I quote: “House of Assembly of a State shall consist of three or four times the number of seats which that state has in the House of Representatives provided that a House of Assembly of a state shall consist of not less than twenty-four and not more than forty members.”
Rivers State has 13 members in the House of Representatives and a 32 member state House of Assembly. By interpretation of the constitution, Rivers State is qualified for an additional seven State constituencies, to increase its number to at least 39 state constituencies’ seats.
Mind you, it is not only Rivers State that was short-changed, but other states such as Plateau, Oyo, Sokoto, Borno, Anambra, Bauchi, Delta, Akwa Ibom and many more are also adversely affected by INEC’s failure to discharge this obligation.
INEC is also empowered by Section 114 (1) of the Constitution to review the division of every State into constituencies at intervals of not less than 10 years.
Sadly, It is more than 20 years since the last delimitation was done. Take a look at the population of the country and registered voters; it has increased exponentially, thereby underscoring an urgent review for proportional and fair representation.
The Constitution is supreme to any other law and we should toe and follow it to the letters with strict adherence to laid down procedures as clearly stated in sections 91, 112 and 114. So, if you see it as politics, that’s the politics of it then.
